Professional troops
There was no full-time, paid army as such at Mari.
However, there existed a class of citizens whom, in return for a
non-hereditary lease on a plot of land, owed military service (the
ilku system). (1)
These ilku-soldiers were organised into shifts, one shift relieving the other on what seems to have been an approximately monthly rotation. Whilst off-duty, the ilku-soldier could return home and cultivate his fields.
There were however exceptions : the ilku-soldiers who took part in Yasmah-Addu's expedition to Qatna, for example, were in that foreign land for four years. Hammurapi of Babylon's famous law code includes dispositions for ilku-soldiers on long-term duty far from their fields.
On the other hand, certain ilku-soldiers voluntarily sought such affectations, and were effectively on permanent duty.
These ilku-soldiers were organised into shifts, one shift relieving the other on what seems to have been an approximately monthly rotation. Whilst off-duty, the ilku-soldier could return home and cultivate his fields.
There were however exceptions : the ilku-soldiers who took part in Yasmah-Addu's expedition to Qatna, for example, were in that foreign land for four years. Hammurapi of Babylon's famous law code includes dispositions for ilku-soldiers on long-term duty far from their fields.
On the other hand, certain ilku-soldiers voluntarily sought such affectations, and were effectively on permanent duty.
They no
doubt cultivated their land with hired or family help, and lived
off war booty. Yet other ilku-soldiers could avoid military
duty altogether (except during times of full-blown warfare and general
mobilisation) by providing a substitute (puhat).
The ilku-soldiers and/or their puhat
thus formed the standing army of the kingdom, formed of :
- The sâb bêliya ("King's
Troop"), made up exclusively of Bedouins of the King's own
clan (2)
- The sâb bâb ekallim ("Army of the Palace Gate"), affected to the guard of the royal palace. Samsi-Addu's palace guard was 400 strong, half of rich men and half of poor men. (3) I have portrayed them as spearmen of the Old Akkadian empire, which is of course purely conjectural, but they possibly used the imittum (heavy spear).
- The sâb bâb ekallim ("Army of the Palace Gate"), affected to the guard of the royal palace. Samsi-Addu's palace guard was 400 strong, half of rich men and half of poor men. (3) I have portrayed them as spearmen of the Old Akkadian empire, which is of course purely conjectural, but they possibly used the imittum (heavy spear).
- The sâbum birtum (uban garrison troops), placed under the control of the regional governors and stationed in the main cities of the kingdom. (4)
- The sâbum kar-ta (port militia), the garrison of Mari itself. It was either 300 or 600 strong. (5)
- The bazahâtum
("commandos"), also placed under the control of governors.
These elite forces (sâbum damqum) numbered around
100 men per garrison, were citizens of the kingdom (ie; not Bedouins),
and took part in all aspects of skirmish warfare (information gathering,
raids for prisoners, rounding up deserters, holding key fords etc;
ahead of the main army,...). (6)
Note that sâbum kibittum
(see the DBM list), represents the army in full array, with
pack and baggage, and not a specific troop type. A good translation
would be "the main army".
Conscripts
The kingdom of Mari could count on around 4,500
professional troops (7). During periods of full-blown warfare, the
King could muster, in addition, several thousand conscript troops,
the pihrum, drawing them from subject Bedouin tribes as
well as from the urban population. Although conscripts, most were soldiers of considerable quality, having seen and survived several campaigns in a context of continual war.
The sick,
the aged, and qualified artisans are exempt from conscription, as
are "sons of rich men". Otherwise, the modalities are
unclear. There seem to exist both basic conscripts but also "reservists"
(egir). One text (8) clearly indicates the greater worth of the
egir, but it is not clear whether they are more experienced soldiers,
or whether they are perhaps more prominent members of the community.
In either case, it is uncertain when they were actually called out
- in times of great emergency ? If a conscript did not show up ?
On some sort of rota ?
It is also uncertain just how efficient the conscription
system was. It is often noted that the Mariote army was relatively
small (10,000 men at most), but as nothing is really known of population
levels, it is impossible to indicate what percentage of the male
population was mobilised in an emergency.
Several texts (9) demonstrate
that the most enthusiastic conscripts were the Bedouin of the King's
own tribe; other Bedouin were more recalcitrant (10). Renowned raiders
even in peacetime, the Bedouin were naturally better soldiers than
the urban conscripts. One such text, sent to the king of Mari from the front reads "the enthousiasm of the nomads is never extinguished".
Urban dwellers and Bedouins
Putting aside a minority of "Akkadiens"
and resident foriegners (Hurrians, Kassites and so forth), the population
of northern Mesopotamia was made up of Amorites (a Semitic people).
These were divided into tribal groups, the Bensimalites (comprising
two clans, the Yabasu and the Ašarugayu) and the Benjaminites
(Uprapeans, Yariheans, Yahrureans, Amnenaens and Rabbeans) (11).
Among the
Bensimalite rulers were Yahdun-Lim and Zimri-Lim of Mari; Benjaminite
rulers included Samsi-Addu and his two sons, as well as Hammurabi
of Babylon. In general, the ruler could rely most on the Amorites
of his own clan. Tribal antagonisms were frequent, but not permanent
: Zimri-Lim, for example, led an alliance of Benjaminite and Bensimalite
tribes when he overthrew Yasmah-Addu, and the two united against
the great Elamite invasion.
Another major division was in the mode of life.
Some Amorites settled into urban life, although a large majority
(referred to here as "Bedouins", but known in the texts
as hana, "those who dwell in tents") kept to
a semi-nomad sheep-herding lifestyle. Relations between nomads and
sedentary peoples were extremely complex, with many individuals
moving from one state to the other and back again depending on individual
fortune, inclination, and so on.
Many so-called "nomads"
also cultivated fields, or served as part-time agricultural labourers
at harvest time.
Most of the Benjaminite clans nomadised along the
Euphrates, often crossing the desert from Mari to Qatna depending
on needs, opportunities and even royal invitations. Others herded
their sheep down into the vicinity of Babylon. The Bensimalites
were more prevalent in the Upper Djezireh (the western part of the
Habur triangle).
The ratio of urban to nomad populations is unknown,
but the kings of Mari were heavily dependant on those Bedouin clans
who had sworn allegiance to them. Nomads represent perhaps 70% of
the conscript army, and no doubt a similar proportion of the sabum
birtum garrison troops (as has been discussed, a Bedouin owning
and cultivating an ilku-plot has nothing paradoxical about
it). (12).
Mercenaries
and allies
- Suteans. The Suti nomadised not only
between Mari and Qatna, and in the desert west of Babylon, but down
into the oases of northern Arabia. It was customary at Mari to sell
undesirables to them as slaves, knowing that they would be taken
far, far away ! The Suti had a fearsome reputation. They had no
allegiance to Mari, but often fought for its king as mercenaries.
They were also an important part of Hammurabi's Babylonian army
(13)
- Suheans. The Suhi are the "People
of the South", and are nomads. No doubt they also ranged into
Arabia. 600 of them fought with the Mariote army that marched against
Elam (14)
- Sarrârum. Certain Bedouin clans
swore allegiance to no king, for the simple reason that their seasonal
movements took them through several kingdoms. If this was considered
acceptable behaviour, the name given to such Bedouin, sarrârum,
nonetheless signifies "liar by nature".
Their position is akin
to that of modern day gipsies, who are generally tolerated but sometimes
persecuted, and never accepted. That said, kings often relied on
them - albeit unofficially - for their armies. (16)
- Guti. The Guti dwelt in the Zagros mountains.
They were dreaded by the dwellers of the Mesopotamian plains, and
their attacks, which brought down empires, seen as the instrument
of divine punishment. In reality, they are known only through the
eyes of their enemies. Their tongue - what little is known of it,
mostly through personal names - cannot be attached to any known
linguistic group. They served as mercenaries in most armies of the
period.
- Kassites. The Kassites are another Zagros
people. Their linguistic group is unknown, but they seem to have
been influenced by the Indo-Aryan migrations that, at this time,
were underway on the eastern flank of the Zagros.
As of the
18th century BC, Kassites had settled in number in and around Babylon,
and especially at Sippar. They were skilled horse-rearers, and are
credited with the introduction of the chariot into Mesopotamian
warfare. A Kassite dynasty came to rule in Babylon itself in 1595
BC.
- Turukkeans. Occupying the valleys of
the Zagros foothills in the region of Aššur (the future
capital of the Assyrian empire), the Turukkeans represent a confederation
of valley-states, under the authority of a King. They appear in
the Mari texts as town-dwellers, but ever ready to return back to
nomad life, and given to large scale raids and aggressive migrations,
under the pressure of the Guti to their south, who seem to have
been their hereditary enemies. The Turukkean leaders have Semitic
names, but it probable that they are one of the many Hurrian-speaking
peoples.
- Habiru. Economic
and political refugees, escaped slaves, rebels and idealists, all
such individuals were pushed out to the geographical margins of
society. They often ended up forming a society of their own. The
habiru were bands akin to the Free Companies of the late
Medieval period. In the 18th century BC, they were an unimportant
phenomenon, hardly mentioned in the Mari texts; but I thought them
worthy of a quick note, as they nonetheless existed and served as
mercenaries. 400 years later, they would contribute to the destabilisation
of numerous Syrian kingdoms. Note that modern scholarship denies
all relationship between habiru and Hebrew, having shown
that the former are not a people, but a state of existence.
- Syrian allies. The kingdom of Yamhad
(modern Aleppo) often intervened in the Euphrates valley, and Mariote
armies came west to Ugarit and to Qatna.
When fighting
as allies of Mari, the troops of Yamhad or Qatna could easily represent
half the army - and generally an unenthusiastic half.
- Elamite allies. One of the major discoveries
in the recent publications of texts from Mari was the role of the
sukkalmah of Elam, who was considered by the Amorite rulers
of the Euphrates to be their overlord. The strength of Ešnunna
seems to have relegated his role to distant and infrequent control,
rather than continual interference, until of course the great Amorite-Elamite
war during the reigns of Zimri-Lim and of Hammurabi. It is nonetheless
feasible that Elamite troops fought alongside those of the Amorites.
Weapons
If different weapon names are known (with more
or less certitude), it is rarely possible to attribute particular
weapons to particular units. Authors rely on certain textual references
and a dose of probability and common sense.
One of the very names for the "army"
was derived from that of the šukurrum, the light spear.
Mounted on a wooden shaft, its bronze tip weighed from 170 to 340g.
This was the main weapon of the urban part of the pihrum,
the conscripts, and doubtless of other units. It was generally associated
with a javelin. In the army lists, I have not given the conscript
troops missile capability, as a) them being so armed is uncertain
and b) correctly throwing a javelin, at least over a useful distance,
is not as easy as might be imagined for a man with no military experience.
I remember my PE lessons...
The Bedouin
were characterised by the zamrâtum, a light javelin
with a bronze point weighing from 50 to 100g. Several texts refer
to them as hana naši zamratim, "javelin-wielders".
They also used the waspu (sling).
Another weapon mentioned, on occasions, in the
texts is the imittum. This is a heavy spear, whose bronze
head could weigh up to 1kg. It was probably a parade weapon, but
I have spuriously considered the palace guard to have been armed
with it and to fight in appropriate close ranks, giving them a cohesion
bonus.
Swords were virtually unknown, no doubt due to
the shortage of metal. Axes do not seem to have been widely used,
but examples of their use exist (16), and they were definitely popular
among Syrian Amorites. (17)
Both the simple bow
(qaštum) and the composite bow (tilpanim)
were employed, with arrowheads weighing from 2g to 40g (the latter
seemingly used in sieges). The bow (at least, used efficiently)
was no doubt restricted to professional troops, given the technical
skill required and the cost of maintaining the weapon. There do not seem to have been "archer" units; the bow was used in the ranks by such soldiers as possessed one and knew how to use it. This lack of specialisation is typical of ancient armies.
Cavalry were unknown in this period in the Euphrates
valley. Horses, however, were employed by the Hurrians and the Kassites
(probably under Indo-European influence), as well as by the peoples
of Anatolia (Hittites, etc.), and had penetrated into Mesopotamia
by the 18th century BC. Zimri-Lim, who had spent time as a refugee
in Anatolia, occasionally rode on horseback - a famous text, sent
by one of his counsellors, suggests that he avoid such un-Amorite
behaviour when he arrives at Mari. Generals more typically fought
on foot, or rode mules. (18)
As for
chariots, although the Sumerian-type platform cars were still used,
they had no tactical function. The more manouvrable chariots that
appeared on the battlefields of the 16th century BC are not mentioned
in the Mari texts (19). Nonetheless, Hurrian or Kassite mercenaries
could be considered to have them, to add extra flavour to the army.
Protective equipment
Protective gear consisted, for the vast majority
of troops, of a leather pot helmet (qurpîsum) and
a shield (sinnatum). The shield was made of reed-bundles, which was within the productive capacities of the small Amorite kingdoms. It could however include metallic parts (20).
A
few helmets were also of metal. Note that bronze was a rare commodity
in the Euphrates valley, especially in times of war, since it was
their eastern neighbours and most frequent enemies - Elam and Ešnunna
- that controlled the flow of tin from Afghanistan.
On one famous occasion,
Samsi-Addu considers breaking open the tomb of Yahdun-Lim to extract
the bronze from it.
As with weapons, it is impossible to say which
units wore protective gear, and which not. There are frequent complaints
of insufficient stocks of shields (because of their high rate of
wear and tear ?). The urban militia, however, included an element
of mârû dumqî, "men of wealth",
who in return for access to the royal table during the campaign,
paid for their own equipment, which was doubtless the best available.
Men often fought bare-chested and bare-foot, dressed
in a kilt with a high waist and reaching down to anywhere from mid-thigh
to the ankle. More elaborate costume consisted in a single piece
of cloth draped so as to leave bare the left shoulder, falling down
to the ankle and decorated with a succession of tasseled fringes.
It seems that Bedouin and urban-dwellers wore identical dress,
if certain texts are anything to go by : only their use of javelins
distinguised them. (21)
Organisation of the army
Clothing was made of wool or, more rarely, imported
linen. Left natural, wool gives off-white, black or brown cloth.
It can also be bleached white, or of course tinted. The most
frequent tints were grey, blue and red (scarlet or crimson). Red-
or blue-purple cloth was particularly sought after, as were multicoloured
textiles, whose fabrication was the affair of specialised craftsmen.
Multicoloured garments were given as presents, by Hammurabi, to
the senior ranks of the Mariote expedition during the Elam war
(22). The "technicoloured dream coat" of the Hebrew
Joseph, and the jealousy it stirred among his brothers, is reminiscent
of the value of such garb.
Organisation of the army
At Mari, and probably in other Amorite kingdoms,
the humble soldier (rêdû) was affected to a
section of ten men (the eširtum), commanded by a "sergeant"
(wahlum). Ten eširtu made a company (pirsum)
under the orders of a rab pirsim.
Anything from two to three companies (at Babylon)
up to ten companies (at Mari) formed a battalion (lištum),
under the orders of a colonel (Akk.rab amurrim, Sum. gal.martu).
A larger expeditionary force would be commanded by a general, who
at Mari was also called a gal.martu, generally of high birth and
related to the King.
The army of Mari carried before it the "Eshtars", representations of the Amorite equivalent of the goddess Ishtar. Although more than likely to have been metal-plated statutes, I have chosen to represent them as painted icons.
Sources and footnotes
An invaluable guide to all aspects of life in the kingdom of Mari is J.-M. Durand, Litterature Antique du Proche-Orient Volumes 16, 17 et 18 - Les documents épistolaires du palais de Mari (LAPO, Editions du Cerf). Vol. 17 is largely dedicated to military matters.
An accessible but thorough guide to Mesopotamian civilisation, with numerous articles on military subjects is F. Joannès (éd.), Dictionnaire de la civilisation mésopotamienne Collection Bouquins, Lafont, Paris , 2001.
D. Charpin, Hammurabi de Babylone (PUF, 2003) brushes an up to date portrait of an Amorite kingdom, with an entire chapter dedicated to Hammurabi's army.
The Dossiers d'Archéologie n° 160 (mai 1991) 'La Guerre au Proche-Orient dans l'Antiquité' is well worth reading.
(1) Ph. Abrahami 'L'organisation militaire à Mari' dans Dossiers 160, p. 37
(2) LAPO p. 362; Charpin, Hammurabi, p. 163
(3) LAPO 645
(4) LAPO p. 380, 645
(5) Ph. Abrahami, Dossiers 160, p. 38
(6) LAPO 620
(7) Charpin, Hammurabi, p. 163
(8) LAPO 573
(9) LAPO 565, 568, 577
(10) LAPO 569-571
(11) LAPO 733
(12) LAPO 448
(13) LAPO 505
(14) LAPO p. 176
(15) LAPO p. 335, 420-421
(16) Charpin, Hammurabi, p.51
(17) Voir T. Wise, Ancient Armies of the Middle East (Osprey Men at Arms, 1981)
(18) LAPO p. 486-487
(19) Ph. Abrahami, Dossiers 160, p.40
(20) LAPO 639
(21) LAPO 548
(22) LAPO 579
An invaluable guide to all aspects of life in the kingdom of Mari is J.-M. Durand, Litterature Antique du Proche-Orient Volumes 16, 17 et 18 - Les documents épistolaires du palais de Mari (LAPO, Editions du Cerf). Vol. 17 is largely dedicated to military matters.
An accessible but thorough guide to Mesopotamian civilisation, with numerous articles on military subjects is F. Joannès (éd.), Dictionnaire de la civilisation mésopotamienne Collection Bouquins, Lafont, Paris , 2001.
D. Charpin, Hammurabi de Babylone (PUF, 2003) brushes an up to date portrait of an Amorite kingdom, with an entire chapter dedicated to Hammurabi's army.
The Dossiers d'Archéologie n° 160 (mai 1991) 'La Guerre au Proche-Orient dans l'Antiquité' is well worth reading.
(1) Ph. Abrahami 'L'organisation militaire à Mari' dans Dossiers 160, p. 37
(2) LAPO p. 362; Charpin, Hammurabi, p. 163
(3) LAPO 645
(4) LAPO p. 380, 645
(5) Ph. Abrahami, Dossiers 160, p. 38
(6) LAPO 620
(7) Charpin, Hammurabi, p. 163
(8) LAPO 573
(9) LAPO 565, 568, 577
(10) LAPO 569-571
(11) LAPO 733
(12) LAPO 448
(13) LAPO 505
(14) LAPO p. 176
(15) LAPO p. 335, 420-421
(16) Charpin, Hammurabi, p.51
(17) Voir T. Wise, Ancient Armies of the Middle East (Osprey Men at Arms, 1981)
(18) LAPO p. 486-487
(19) Ph. Abrahami, Dossiers 160, p.40
(20) LAPO 639
(21) LAPO 548
(22) LAPO 579
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